Thứ Hai, 2 tháng 11, 2026

Winning in the shadows:

 

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The story of a ‘secret’ annual literary prize in Vietnam

 
The ceremony for the 2017 Văn Việt literary prize. (Supplied)

At the 10th Viet Literature Prize in 2024, which was open to Vietnamese-language writers around the world, a collection of poems by a young poet won the unanimous backing of the five-member jury: literary critic Lý Đợi, writer and Facebooker Thái Hạo, poet Ý Nhi, poet and painter Giáng Vân, and novelist Nguyễn Đức Tùng. The collection was named winner in the poetry category.

Yet unlike the winners in the other categories of that edition (prose, criticism, translation and the chairman’s special award), neither the poet nor the winning collection was revealed.

On the prize’s official website, the organizers said they would announce the winner’s name “at an appropriate time.”

Two years on, the author and the poems remain a mystery to the public.

The secrecy is not without reason. The organizers learned hard lessons early on. The caution dates back to 2018, when a young winner was harassed by police after accepting the prize. In 2022, another young winner was dissuaded by police from attending the award ceremony in Hồ Chí Minh City. On his way to the airport, he was reportedly beaten by strangers in front of police officers, for no apparent reason, and missed his flight and the ceremony. Since then, the organizers have decided to withhold the names of young winners who are living inside Vietnam to keep them safe.

“To avoid disadvantaging talented writers, and to avoid leaving gaps in the prize’s record, the award-winning authors whose names are being temporarily withheld will be announced by Văn Việt at an ‘appropriate time,’” says Nguyễn Viện, a writer based in Hồ Chí Minh City and a member of the jury of the poetry category.

The prize was officially launched in 2016 by the Independent Writers Club, or Văn Việt for short, a collective established in 2014 by 61 intellectuals led by the eminent writer Nguyên Ngọc, a former colonel and former deputy of the National Assembly. It has never received recognition from the Vietnamese government.

Despite the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of association, Vietnam does not allow fully independent nongovernment organization. While the motto “Independence — Freedom — Happiness” has headed Vietnam’s official documents since 1945, the government grows wary of “independence” when anyone outside the state claims it. A legally recognized collective must be affiliated with a state agency and, once approved, needs permission for every single project. Yet Nguyên Ngọc and his colleagues have refused to compromise their autonomy, undeterred by shrinking civil liberties. They have founded the collective without registration, published banned books on their own website, brought politically sensitive news stories to public attention, raised their own funds, held annual awards and connected with Vietnamese-language writers and enthusiasts overseas. Staying unauthorized, however, does not mean enjoying unfettered freedom. Despite risks, the group continues its work true to their slogan, “for a free and humane Vietnamese literature,” to prevent literary talents from fading into oblivion. 

Chiến thắng trong bóng tối

Câu chuyện về một giải thưởng văn học thường niên ‘bí mật’ tại Việt Nam

Hướng Thiện, Mekong Indepentdent 1.11.2026

Văn Việt dịch và chú thích,  Thứ Ba, 3 tháng 11, 2026


Trao Giải Văn Việt năm 2017

Tại Giải thưởng Văn học Việt lần thứ 10 vào năm 2024 – giải thưởng mở cửa cho các cây bút tiếng Việt trên toàn thế giới – một chùm thơ của một nhà thơ trẻ đã giành được sự ủng hộ tuyệt đối từ hội đồng xét giải 5 thành viên: nhà phê bình văn học Lý Đợi, nhà văn kiêm người dùng Facebook Thái Hạo, nhà thơ Ý Nhi, nhà thơ kiêm họa sĩ Giáng Vân, và tiểu thuyết gia Nguyễn Đức Tùng. Chùm thơ này đã được đoạt giải ở hạng mục thơ ca.

Tuy nhiên, không giống như những người chiến thắng ở các hạng mục khác trong năm đó (văn xuôi, phê bình, dịch thuật và giải thưởng đặc biệt của chủ tịch), cả tác giả lẫn tập thơ đoạt giải đều không được tiết lộ.

Trên trang web chính thức của giải thưởng, ban tổ chức cho biết họ sẽ công bố tên người chiến thắng “vào thời điểm thích hợp”.

Hai năm trôi qua, tác giả và những bài thơ ấy vẫn là một bí ẩn đối với công chúng.

Sự che giấu này không phải là không có lý do. Ban tổ chức đã rút ra những bài học xương máu từ sớm. Sự thận trọng bắt đầu từ năm 2018, khi một nhà văn trẻ đoạt giải bị công an quấy rối sau khi nhận giải. Đến năm 2022, một người chiến thắng trẻ tuổi khác đã bị công an khuyên không tham dự lễ trao giải tại Thành phố Hồ Chí Minh. Trên đường ra sân bay, anh được cho là đã bị những kẻ lạ mặt hành hung không vì lý do gì rõ ràng ngay trước mặt công an, khiến anh lỡ chuyến bay và bỏ lỡ lễ trao giải. Kể từ đó, ban tổ chức quyết định giữ kín tên của những người đoạt giải trẻ tuổi[1] đang sống trong nước để giữ an toàn cho họ. 

THE NEW CLASS AND RED CRONY CAPITALISM

 From Milovan Djilas (1957) to Vietnam (2026)

 

Cover of Milovan Djilas’s The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System, first published in 1957. Shown here is the Harcourt/HBJ American edition.

 

Ngo The Vinh

Essay | October 31, 2026

ABSTRACT

 

This essay examines the emergence of politically and economically privileged strata in Vietnam through the theoretical lens of Milovan Djilas’s The New Class (1957), against the backdrop of the transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy following the Đổi Mới economic reforms of 1986.

Drawing on scholarship on Vietnam’s political economy and data on economic growth, income distribution, and wealth concentration, the essay analyzes the contrast between economic development and the unequal distribution of its benefits. It also emphasizes that economic inequality, by itself, is insufficient to establish the existence or influence of a politically privileged class.

On this basis, the essay explores the relationship between public authority and private interests, particularly the phenomenon of red crony capitalism, while raising questions about institutional transparency and accountability in Vietnam’s economic development.

 

KEYWORDS

 

New Class; Milovan Djilas; Red Crony Capitalism; Vietnam; Đổi Mới (Economic Reforms); Political Power and Economic Interests; Wealth Inequality; Accountability.

 

INTRODUCTION

 

In The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System (1957), Milovan Djilas, a former Yugoslav communist leader, identified a fundamental paradox: a system committed to building a classless society could nevertheless produce a new privileged stratum that monopolized political authority and controlled economic resources.

Nearly seven decades later, Vietnam presents a question worthy of investigation: after forty years of Đổi Mới (1986–2026), does the concentration of political power, together with privileged access to land, public assets, and economic opportunities, reflect the emergence of a stratum sharing characteristics of the New Class described by Djilas?

Answering this question requires moving beyond political assertions and relying on verifiable evidence and political-economic research. The central issue is not merely who owns assets, but who has the authority to allocate national resources, who benefits from those decisions, and what mechanisms ensure transparency and public accountability.

This is also a book I read more than once during my early university years, a period of youthful aspirations and questions about society’s future.

 

The photograph accompanying “Hoover Acquires Milovan Djilas Literary Archives” shows Milovan Djilas (1911–1995), author of The New Class, on the left, and William “Bill” Jovanovich (1920–2001), Djilas’s friend and the publisher at Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, on the right. Taken at Princeton University in spring 1968; courtesy of Aleksa Djilas, historian and son of Milovan Djilas.